GMAT考试阅读试题(三)(3).docx
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1、GMAT 考试阅读试题 (三 )(3)Passage 17Prior to 1975 , union efforts to organize public-sectorclerical workers, most of whom are women ,were some-what limited. The factors favoring unionization drivesseem to have been either the presence of large numbers 5 of workers , as in New York City , to make it worth t
2、heeffort , or the concentration of small numbers in one ortwo locations , such as a hospital , to make it relativelyeasy , Receptivity to unionization on the workers, partwas also aconsideration , but when there were large 10 numbers involved or the clerical workers were the onlyunorganized group in
3、 a jurisdiction , the multioccupa-tional unions would often try to organize them regard-less of the workers' initial receptivity. The strategicreasoning was based, first , on theconcern that politi- 15 cians and administrators might play off unionizedagainst nonunionized workers , and , second ,
4、 on theconviction that a fully unionized public work forcemeant power , both at the bargaining table and in thelegislature. Inlocalities where clerical workers were few 20 in number ,were scattered in several workplaces, andexpressed nointerest in being organized , unions moreoften than not ignored
5、them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid-1970's , a different strategy hasemerged. In 1977 , 34 percent of government clerical25 workers were represented by a labor organization, comparedwith 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent ofgovernment blue-collar workers , and41 percent
6、 of government service workers , Since then ,however , the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-30 tion havebeen among clerical workers. Between 1977and 1980, thenumber of unionized government workersin blue-collar and service occupations increased onlyabout 1.5 percent , while in the white-c
7、ollar occupationsthe increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers 35in particular ,the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionizationamong clerical workers ? First , more women have enteredthe work force in the past few years , and more of themplan to remain working unt
8、il retirement age. Conse-40 quently , they areprobably more concerned than theirpredecessors were aboutthe wome n'sjob security and econo mic ben e-fits. Alsomoveme nt has succeeded in legit-imiz ing the econo mic and political activism of wome n on their own behalf, therebyproduc ing a more pos
9、itive atti- (45) tude toward unions. The abse nee of any comparable in crease in unioni zati on among private-sector clericalworkers , however , identifies the primary catalyst-thestructural cha nge in the multioccupati onal public-sector unions themselves. Over the past twenty years the occu- (50)p
10、ati onal distributi on in these unions has bee nsteadilyshift ing from predo minan tly blue-collar to predomi-nan tly white-collar. Because there are far more wome nin white-collar jobs, an in crease in the proporti onoffemale members has accompa nied the occupati onal shift(55) and has altered unio
11、n policy-mak ing in favor of orga-nizing wome n and address ing wome n's issues.1. According to the passage , the public-sector workers who were most likely to bel ong to unions in 1977 were(A)professi on als(B)man agers(C)clerical workers(D)service workers(E)blue-collar workers2. The author cit
12、es union efforts to achieve a fullyunionized work force(line 13-19 ) in order to account forwhy(A) politicia ns might try to oppose public-sectorunion orga nizing(B) public-sector unions have rece ntly focused onorga nizing wome n(C) early orga nizing efforts ofte n focused on areaswhere there were
13、large nu mbers of workers(D) union efforts with regard to public-sectorclerical workers in creased dramatically after 1975(E) unions sometimes tried to orga nize workersregardless of the workers' in itial in terest in unioni zati on3. The author's claim that , si nee the mid-1970's, an e
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